Terrorism was not really a term in vogue till about the third quarter of the 20th century. But for almost 10 centuries till India’s independence, many acts of aggression, suppression, conversion and religious as well as racial discrimination by marauding hordes of Mongols/Mughals and the British were nothing short of terrorism. So were the heinous pogroms by Hitler on the Jews and Stalin on his own people and by various groups and organisations in world history.

India’s independence, marked by communal riots as a result of the largest human displacement in history, was immediately followed by terror unleashed by the newly-formed Pakistan’s Army, which organised hordes of tribals to commit massacres, rape and pillage in Jammu and Kashmir.
Most ironically of all, the legendary but almost forgotten Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, venerated as a “Mahatma” for his philosophy and relentless campaign of non-violence, was assassinated 63 years ago by the representative of a far-right Hindu outfit as he was perceived to be partial towards Muslims.
Pakistan, after waging three wars and losing them, and also losing its entire eastern wing, launched its terror-based proxy war from Punjab in the 1980s, in Jammu and Kashmir since the late ‘80s and across India from the late 1990s, and it is still continuing. India is the country most frequently targeted by the terror factory run by the Pakistan Army, whose reach has spread almost worldwide and which is effectively countering the post-9/11 war on terror by the United States and its Nato allies.
In this book, the author examines the possibility whether Gandhian philosophy’s low-cost technologies could have better tackled terror if its components were sensibly integrated with normal methodologies now being used in the battle against terrorism. Tracing and analysing the genesis and spread of terrorism, the book proceeds to systematically examine how the Gandhian “Brahmastra” (Lord Brahma’s weapon, considered the ultimate or most powerful), which in this case denotes positive human energies of the head and heart, could be applied to conflict resolution.
The first chapter examines various manifestations of terror.
The second chapter looks at terrorism’s relationship with secularism and its capacity or incapacity to contain it. The open structure of secular societies is examined here for negative and positive relevance in this regard. The third chapter goes into the “clash of civilisations” phenomenon, and emerging trends such as the rising Islamophobia in the West’s open and democratic societies, as well as measures like the banning of veils and opposition to the construction of minarets in some countries.
The book’s two final chapters deal with Gandhian philosophy’s key formulations and practices, and how these can be applied while battling terrorism — such as denying opportunities for it to be regenerated. The author studies the economics of terrorism in some depth: asserting that it is neither self-energised nor automated, but has to created and sustained by an intricate finance network operated by misguided forces.
The author tries to counter scepticism about the applicability and efficacy of Gandhian philosophy by saying that all aspects of this should be read and understood fully before implementation begins. It is not a quick-fix solution, he warns, and needs to be sustained diligently over the long term.
He feels India’s inability to effectively promote this unique philosophy worldwide was thwarted in the first five decades of its independent history by its persistent poverty, and also due to the West’s possible antagonism over its non-aligned status in the long years of the Cold War.
But now that the West has seen that its more conventional methods of conflict resolution have not been really effective, particularly in fighting terrorism, it is the time to revisit Gandhi’s methodology and use constructive applications of its immense energies of heart and mind.
South Africa, where Gandhi first experienced the agony of racial discrimination, is an example worth mentioning.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was a court-like restorative justice body set up in South Africa after the abolition of apartheid. Witnesses identified as victims of gross human rights violations were invited to give statements about their experiences, and some were selected to appear at public hearings.
Perpetrators of violence could also testify and seek amnesty from both civil and criminal prosecution. The TRC is seen by many as a crucial component of the transition to full democracy in South Africa. Despite some flaws, it is generally considered successful.
The author has some interesting observations on the Hindutva phenomenon — he calls it a “regenerative response” to the government’s inaction or inability to deal with terror attacks by misguided Muslim youths associated with Pakistan’s ISI, as well as on votebank politics.
He laments the failure of the Muslim clergy, intelligentsia and politicians to raise their voice against terrorism — describing it as the “vigilante effect”.