Appointment and disappointment
The September 7 decision to appoint Polayil Joseph Thomas, one of the seniormost officers of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS), as the Central Vigilance Commissioner (CVC), has raised doubts about whether the Union government is serious about investigating the second-generation (2G) telecommunications spectrum scandal that has caused a huge loss to the country’s exchequer. Without questioning Mr Thomas’ integrity and also keeping in mind the fact that he was not the top bureaucrat in the Department of Telecommunications (DoT) when the spectrum scam occurred, the point simply is that the way in which he was appointed has raised a number of doubts about the government’s intentions.
The office of the CVC was conceived as the apex vigilance institution in the Government of India that is supposed to be free of control from any executive authority. The CVC is meant to monitor all vigilance activities relating to government bodies and it is also supposed to advise various authorities in Central government organisations on “planning, executing, reviewing and reforming” all activities related to anti-corruption vigilance. After the Central Vigilance Commission Act was passed by both Houses of Parliament in 2003, the following year the government passed a resolution on “public interest disclosure and protection of informer” by making the CVC the “designated agency to receive written complaints for disclosure on any allegation of corruption or misuse of office and recommend appropriate action”.
In 1993, the Supreme Court directed the government to ensure that the selection of the CVC should be made by a committee comprising the Prime Minister, the home minister and the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha. The country’s apex court also stated that the selection of the CVC should be made from a panel of “outstanding civil servants and others with impeccable integrity”. The Central Vigilance Commission Ordinance of 1998 — and the bill introduced in Parliament later — confined the selection of the CVC from a “panel of civil servants” alone while the phrases “outstanding” and “impeccable integrity” were not included.
The manner in which Mr Thomas was selected and appointed as the new CVC indicates that the United Progressive Alliance government has, at best, perfunctorily sought to adhere to the directions of the Supreme Court of consulting the Leader of the Opposition before appointing an officer to this important position. At worst, the government seems reluctant to expedite the ongoing inquiries into the spectrum scam that was presided over by communications minister A. Raja, investigations that are being currently conducted by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) after a reference was made to it by the CVC.
It is hardly surprising that the appointment of Mr Thomas as CVC by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Union home minister P. Chidambaram by over-ruling the objections raised by Sushma Swaraj (who, incidentally, also holds a Cabinet rank as Leader of the Opposition) raised a big hue and cry, since he had just demitted office as secretary, DoT. The Bharatiya Janata Party has alleged that Mr Thomas was chosen because he would not rigorously pursue investigations into the 2G spectrum scandal since he “secured” a note from the law ministry while he was DoT secretary which argues that the allocation of electro-magnetic airwaves, or spectrum, used for telecommunications was part of official “policy” that cannot be questioned either by the CVC or the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India.
The seven-page response of the law ministry — to the DoT’s queries on whether spectrum allocation was a policy issue — quotes various Supreme Court rulings and contends that the CVC, the CAG and “other watchdogs no doubt play a very significant role in any democracy, but they being constitutional/statutory functionaries cannot exceed the role assigned to them under the Constitution or law”. The law ministry’s response adds: “Even the courts refrain from questioning the wisdom of the government in policy matters, unless the policy decision is patently arbitrary, discriminatory or malafide”.
The DoT note to the law ministry on the spectrum allocation issue apparently moved with remarkable alacrity between August 10, 2010, and August 12 from official to official before the signatures of minister Mr Raja and secretary Mr Thomas were appended. That’s not all. Within a day, on August 13, the law ministry responded to the DoT’s queries. Such expeditiousness is hardly the hallmark of Indian bureaucracy.
Be that as it may, in appointing Mr Thomas as the head of this important anti-corruption body, the government has not really adhered to the spirit of the Supreme Court’s ruling. With Ms Swaraj’s opposition to the appointment, there was no unanimity in selecting the CVC. Secondly, even if one believes that Mr Thomas is an officer of integrity, the government could have easily avoided controversy by selecting one of the two other IAS officers whose names figured on the shortlist, namely, Bijoy Chatterjee, secretary, department of chemicals & petrochemicals or S. Krishnan, who retired as secretary, fertilisers.
As telecom secretary, Mr Thomas may have had to support his department’s contention that the CVC had no jurisdiction to investigate a “policy” decision of the government, even if the particular policy was rather dubious since it caused a huge loss to the country running into more than `60,000 crores. The Prime Minister has reportedly claimed that Mr Thomas was the best choice for the new CVC. However, in this instance, Caesar’s wife is not entirely above suspicion.
On Monday, a two-judge bench of the Supreme Court comprising Justices G.S. Singhvi and A.K. Ganguly issued notices to Mr Raja and various agencies of the Union government (such as the DoT, the CBI, the Enforcement Directorate and the income-tax department) to respond within 10 days to a public interest petition urging the court to monitor a CBI investigation into the alleged irregularities in the 2008 sale and allotment of 2G spectrum. Among the petitioners is the author of this column.
Paranjoy Guha Thakurta is an educator and commentator
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