First there was an all-party delegation and now a group of interlocutors under the chairmanship of an “eminent person” will begin the process of sustained dialogue with political parties and groups in Kashmir — all for the Valley. It is very clear that the first round has gone to the Hurriyat, the trendsetter for the jihadi-azadi groups in the Valley. But still it is by no means the sole representatives of all sections of the people. Kashmiri as well as non-Kashmiri-speaking communities like Gujjars and Bakarwals, as also the Shia community that participated in elections, do not subscribe either to the Hurriyat or to Pakistan Army-sponsored agenda. The interlocutor groups will have fair chances of a receptive audience but it will nevertheless be a demanding task and definitely uphill in places. Also, demand for international interlocutors might be raised by the Hurriyat and its adherents out of sheer cussedness if nothing else.
The Cabinet follow-up to the visit of the all-party delegation was undoubtedly swift and prescriptive. Their eight-point agenda advises measures to restore a degree of normalcy in civic life in the Valley and the preliminary response from the people has been encouraging, though optimism would be premature at this stage. Negotiations and talks — whether direct or through interlocutors — must be continued in good faith with all those who wish to sit across the discussion table and progress to the extent possible. But those in government surely realise that no amount of “Red Cross parcels” to the separatist elements in the Valley are likely to induce a change of heart at the present juncture because pro-Pakistan sentiments are too deeply implanted amongst them and aspirations to win their hearts and minds are utter delusion. The ground realities of the existing situation must include renewed focus on recalibration of strategies for long-term security of the Valley.
Against the background of a high-level agenda for normalising relations with Pakistan regardless of provocations by the latter, the basic factor driving the unrest in Kashmir remains the Pakistan Army’s consistent long-term strategy of “death by a thousand cuts” using radicalised local surrogates like the Hurriyat. There should be no doubt that Jammu and Kashmir, specifically the Valley, continues to be the central front of this war. It is, therefore, essential that in its effort to “reach out” to separatists, India retains a sense of balance and does not get swept away by unrealistic sentimentality.
However, there is encouraging news coming out of the Kashmir Valley too. The Jammu and Kashmir Police — a local force with a large representation from the Valley — is bearing up admirably under the stress of public confrontations with street mobs who are their own kinfolk. Like all forces in similar circumstances, the police is under undoubted psychological stress, but there have been few if any cases reported so far of refusals or dereliction of duty. It is important to give them due credit and recognition. The Central Reserve Police Force is the other main agency functioning under orders of the local police. They are doing a workmanlike job as everywhere but the rank and file requires firmer handling by their own commanders who, in turn, require professional training in crowd psychology and management.
Home minister P. Chidambaram’s agenda constitutes a security directive conveyed in advisory terms and has to be fully complied with, in terms of reduction of the profile and density of security forces in Srinagar, as also selection of areas from where the Disturbed Areas Act and its accompanying Armed Forces Special Powers Act would be removed (though thankfully not diluted). This is to be worked out by the Unified Headquarters, as is proper, but for the record, experiences of similar expedients in Manipur have been unsatisfactory.
From Delhi, it was the Valley region of Jammu and Kashmir which was initially perceived to be burning, but as the all-party delegation discovered on its rather perfunctory visit to Jammu, that region of the state was surely fuming too at the exclusive focus of the Indian political establishment on an area which stridently rejects any Indian identity, while Jammu, which holds steadfastly to its Indian parentage seems fated to remain a stepchild.
Some members of the delegation, at the instance of the Left parties, took an independent initiative to personally visit and interact with the leaders of the Hurriyat under house arrest. It was a decision others publicly disassociated from. Their visit to the Hurriyat leaders was an attempt at honourable reconciliation, a gesture undoubtedly required at a time of bitter confrontation but their needlessly obsequious and deference in full glare of the national media deeply shamed the watching nation and reminded many of 1993 when the then adviser to the governor stood with his head similarly bowed before the militants occupying the Hazratbal Mosque before abjectly succumbing to their diktats. India’s approach to the Kashmir Valley has been endlessly conciliatory and there is now a palpable sense of unease and anxiety in the rest of the country. How much more is the government prepared to concede to “win the unwinnable” in terms of hearts and minds in the Valley and unilaterally pursue peace with Pakistan driven by its Army?
The eight-point agenda announced by the home minister at his press conference on September 25 was described as a first step towards a “new beginning”. All in the Valley must understand that this has to be within the parameters of the Indian Constitution, both with the rest of the country as also the other regions within the state, which want no part of a “jihaadi-azadi”. Let the reverse flow begin — it is now high time for the Valley to reach out to the rest of India. It can be done.
The tailpiece concerns a photograph published in a prominent English daily covering the visit of the all-party delegation, showing two leading lights of the two separate Communist parties standing devoutly at the Hazratbal Mosque during the course of the visit, with heads covered and hands folded in supplication to the resident Almighty. Both these professedly hardcore, hardline Marxist gentlemen attend Parliament from West Bengal. Question: Can the public of their state expect to see them similarly at the Kalighat Temple as well?

Gen. Shankar Roychowdhury is a former Chief of Army Staff and a former member of Parliament