The way the concept of “coalition dharma” — a telling expression coined by former Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee — has developed in national politics, the principal party in the ruling alliance at the Centre has all too often been at the mercy of regional allies and been compelled to accept their shenanigans. Managing national coalitions has taken a grievous toll of the authority of the Prime Minister in the process, thus undermining the élan of the administration. This was more than evident in the NDA period. Following the exposure of the 2G spectrum scam, turning a blind eye to perceived wrong-doing by a coalition partner — in this case the DMK — has come to haunt the UPA-II government in a manner few could have envisaged. The larger issue is corruption in public life, which is at the bottom of nearly every unsavoury manoeuvre that we come across in our national life. This used to be papered over, but the sheer scale of the spectrum case, and the attendant exposure of widespread malignancy highlighted in the Radia tapes, demands that commensurate punitive action must follow.
Silence on the part of the Union government when wilful vandalising of public funds, which constitute a key element of the integrity of the state, has come to pass is no longer a policy option, even if the larger object is to protect a democratically constituted government from erosion. The Manmohan Singh government is not rotten to the core. The Prime Minister is personally completely above board, and is seen to be such by the people in the country, whatever the Opposition whispers. And yet, the Prime Minister permitted a minister from an alliance party to ride roughshod over him, belittling his authority, and allegedly cheat the national exchequer. This was presumably tolerated by the highest functionary of the government in order to protect the ruling coalition. However, when thousands of crores of public money are at issue, the people at large can have no sympathy for the idea of coalition dharma, which has been cooked up by politicians to retain their hold on power. It is, therefore, time for the Congress to weigh its alliance with the DMK in the balance. If money from the spectrum scam has found its way to the coffers of senior elements in the DMK, no one who subscribes to high principles of governance can cover up for political shabbiness.
From available reports, there is restiveness in the DMK and the Congress in Tamil Nadu. Both parties are faction-ridden, although in the case of the DMK this is not permitted to become evident. At any rate, the people in the state are disheartened by all accounts. The DMK’s sheen appears to have worn off. In such a situation the Opposition parties could well have the upper hand in the state elections which are only a few months away. It is likely that the investigation in the spectrum scandal would not be brought to a satisfactory conclusion by then. Even so, the Congress is likely to be stung on account of its associates.
The party is naturally in a bind. If it seeks to withdraw from the present political arrangement in Tamil Nadu — its support is crucial to the survival of the minority government run by the DMK — the Congress-led government at the Centre is likely to become extremely vulnerable. The latitude it has in policy-making could be a thing of the past when not even half the term of the UPA-II government is done. This is nothing if not a case of Hobson’s choice. And yet, the right decision needs to be taken to uphold the majesty of the state and the integrity of its critical processes. After the recent Congress plenary at Burari, near Delhi, where fighting corruption was sought to be made the party’s hallmark, it will be interesting to see how the leadership of UPA-II navigates its Tamil Nadu crisis.