While it is clear that the government is yet to come to grips with the situation in the Kashmir Valley, which has seen escalated mob violence since Id last Saturday stoking further the embers lit in June, the Prime Minister has done well to reiterate at Monday’s armed forces commanders’ conference that the government is ready to talk to those who abjure violence and seek to resolve grievances within the framework of the Constitution. In essence, this means that talks are futile in the present atmosphere. Separatists such as Mirwaiz Omar Farooq and Yasin Malik, regarded as “moderate”, appeared to be associated with instigating attacks on public property on the day of Id so as not to be left behind in their competition with the extremist leadership. Unless this category of separatists returns to its normal non-violent ways, there cannot be much purchase in any move for a reasoned conversation.
The Centre’s stance also suggests that the far-right elements, who have held the Valley captive through calibrated violence, may not expect the will of the government to crumble in the face of their carefully designed efforts. This was an important signal to communicate — to the mischief-makers of all hues and to the populace at large. Dr Singh simultaneously held out an olive branch to the Valley youth by asking the military leaders to bear in mind that they were dealing with fellow-citizens, and by indicating that an employment-oriented package is on its way. Steps to reinforce rehabilitation packages for former militants and for compensation to victims of the recent spell of violence may also be under consideration. These are primarily meant to detach significant sections from the clutches of the violence makers, and to boost the sagging image of chief minister Omar Abdullah, whose lack of political alacrity has cost him much goodwill in the state and at the Centre.
Even so, it is surprising to hear the BJP, the main Opposition in Parliament, demand the chief minister’s head. This is precisely what the extremists, imbued with the ideology of jihad, would be keenly anticipating. Replacing the chief minister at this stage would be broadly suggestive of the fact that the spell of organised and focused violence has attained its initial political objective. The smallest hint of change of political leadership in the air is likely to exacerbate the violent turn the Valley has taken, not contain the unfortunate trend. BJP has run the government at the Centre and ought to be more sensitive and adaptive of approach in dealing with J&K than might have been the case before it had a taste of dealing with Kashmir at first hand. Playing politics with Kashmir, which has serious security implications, cannot redound to the credit of a party that likes to flaunt its nationalist tag.
The Kashmir government needs urgently to deal with not just the street demonstrations but also separatist politics and the rekindled ambitions of the People’s Democratic Party, which thinks nothing of making common cause with the violent elements in order to embarrass the National Conference-Congress government led by Omar Abdullah. The only way to manage this complex scenario is for Mr Abdullah to get on top of his party affairs. He may find it useful to engage in a series of low-key meetings with his senior party colleagues, and with groups of legislators of the ruling combine. These are the more pressing concern for now, not rushing about calling for modifications to the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, or the withdrawal of the legislation from parts of J&K. Mr Abdullah will do well to bear in mind that the fate of the AFSPA is not the issue as far as the leaders of mob protests are concerned, or for that matter the surcharged mobs.