New Delhi, “Ek dhakka aur do, Babri Masjid tor do...” the war cry by Sadhvi Ritambara provided the impetus to bring down the 16th-century mosque on December 6, 1992. The low continuous chant of Jai Shri Ram, echoing from the loudspeakers, became aggressive. Chantings turned into war cries — “Jai Shri Ram, Jai Shri Ram, Jinnah Bolo Jai Shri Ram, Gandhi Bolo Jai Shri Ram”. The frenzied karsevaks, egged on by their leaders, brought down the disputed structure — rewriting the history of India. Decades later, on September 24, 2010, the country, the communities await a verdict by the Allahabad high court on a 61-year-old case involving title suit for the ownership of 2.77 acres of land on which the disputed structure stood.

In post-demolition riots, thousands of Hindus and Muslims were butchered. The division between Hindus and Muslims in India became more prominent. Stepping on the corpses, some outfits bounced back to mainstream politics.

The Ayodhya dispute has been used mainly by the BJP as a political plank. Out of power, the saffronites cling to its Hindu nationalist cloaks while in power, bowing to the pressure of coalition politics, they sweep the issue under the carpet.

“Times have changed. So has the mindset of people and the youth. After 1992, the Babri dispute has lost its political relevance,” a senior BJP functionary said. Today, saffron bands, frenzied slogans and war cries are all missing from Ayodhya and across the country. People are cautious, apprehensive and clerics and leaders of both communities are appealing for peace. No one seems to be willing to open the old wounds.

“One thing is for sure: the court verdict is not going to be the final word,” the BJP functionary said. Mr L.K. Advani has gone on record saying that the issue may be referred to the Supreme Court. An RSS functionary observed that Ayodhya has “long ceased to offer any political return. It has become a liability for the BJP, an albatross.”

The editor of the RSS mouthpiece Panchajanya, Mr R. Balashankar, says: “True, today Ayodhya might not have any impact on votebank politics.” He, however, refused to blame the BJP or the Sangh for the dispute. He pointed out that it was then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi who “opened the locks of the temple to woo the Hindu votebank. The rest was just a chain reaction.”

Asked about the political relevance of Ayodhya, Mr Balashankar felt that “Ayodhya was never a political movement but a national one”. For him, Ayodhya became a political movement whenever any political outfit tried to “obstruct the genuine demand of the Hindus”.

Interestingly, the verdict is expected on September 24, which is a Friday. The courts remain closed for the next two days and an appeal can be made only on Monday. Security forces have been rushed to the area. All major political activities, including election of PCC chiefs, have been put on hold. The BJP leaders have gone quiet on the issue. Only AICC general secretary Digvijay Singh has asked the BJP and RSS to “rein in its overzealous supporters”.

The UPA government led by Dr Manmohan Singh is outwardly calm but the nervousness among government officials is evident.

What the title suit is about

THE TITLE suit is related to the ownership of 2.77 acres of land on which the mosque structure stood. The dispute arose in 1959 after "idols" of Lord Ram were found installed inside the disputed structure - abandoned by Muslims for the purpose of namaz - and Hindus started worship there declaring it a temple. As then PM Jawaharlal Nehru tried to intervene by asking the UP government to stop "puja" there, a suit was filed in 1950 before the Faizabad civil judge by Gopal Singh Visharad seeking to restrain the authorities in interfering in religious affairs of Hindus and dispossession of the land by the Muslims. The civil judge restrained the government from interfering while several Hindu religious organisations jumped into the fray by filing separate suits for restoration of the land to Hindus. Five suits were filed out of which one was later withdrawn. The UP Sunni Central Board of Waqfs filed a counter-suit in 1961 claiming ownership of the land. In the wake of BJP leader L.K. Advani’s rathyatra, the UP government in 1989 moved an application before the HC for transfer of the case to it, which was allowed. Thus the case came for adjudication before the HC.