Under the scanner: Cops & riots
After over five weeks since the riots in Maharashtra’s northwest city of Dhule, the Supreme Court admitted a PIL seeking a probe by an SC-directed Special Investigation Team into the riots. The PIL also seeks punishment for the guilty, including the police personnel allegedly involved in arson and looting. However, what is constantly under scrutiny is the role of the police — be it the 1992-93 Mumbai riots 20 years ago or the riots in Dhule this year. For families who faced the brunt of the violence, forgetting what happened has not been easy.
The Dhule riots of 2013
The January 6, 2013 Dhule riots saw communal clashes, reported cases of police bias, vandalism, arson and looting. The clashes ultimately resulted in the death of six men and left 36 critically injured. However, the riots remained contained in the epicenter, an area that is a short walk from the self-demarcated “border” between the Muslims of Machhipura and Hindu localities.
After circulation of footage and media reports about the police’s involvement in vandalism during the Dhule riots surfaced, six policemen were arrested on charges of theft and dishonestly breaking open shops and stalls. The police was even accused of intolerance towards Muslims by human rights organisations and members of the community. Just after the riots were calmed, Dhule SP Pradeep Deshpande was asked about the police bias, when he said, “It is just the public’s perception of the police.” However, three weeks after the riots and arrests of two constables, the pressure on the officer to “come out with results” was clearly visible, as he said, “Nobody is authorised to indulge in such activities and we will take action against those involved in the riots.”
Despite this, not satisfied with the police investigations and upset over its role during the riots, retired tehsildar of Jalgaon filed a PIL in the Aurangabad district court. According to the PIL, the inquiries pertaining to the shooting orders should be handed over to investigation agencies like the CBI and CIA, and action should be taken against SP Pradeep Deshpande, sub-divisional officer Nandkumar Bedse, additional SP Mohan Pawar, deputy SP Monica Raut, police inspector Deepak Kohli and Ram Somvanshi.
There are also those who claim that the police showed bias and one-sidedness while tackling the riots. “The police should have a balanced approach when they are in the midst of a communal riot, but this doesn’t hold true all the time,” says professor Bhaskar Dharwade, who teaches at a college in Dhule and has witnessed several communal riots over the years. Ahmad Javed, the additional director-general of police (law and order) Maharashtra, explains the police role during the Dhule riots and says that police is solely not to be blamed. “I met the victims in the hospital and during the course of my conversation with them, I found that necessary action was taken before the police opened fire. One can’t blame the police for being biased,” he says.
Additional superintendent of police of Dhule, Akhilesh Kumar Singh also feels that the police has been made into a soft target for both the people and media. “We are under tremendous pressure from all spheres at all times. Nobody appreciates our efforts and we are criticised for the slightest of errors,” says Mr Singh, who feels that the police is shortchanged, even when it does good work.
The Mumbai riots of 1992
“It was a nightmare. They dragged my son from the house and beat us up when we tried stopping them. I don’t even want to remember what happened after that,” says Akhtari Wagle, her eyes moist with tears. Twenty years have passed since that happened, but Akhatri is still coping with her trauma, reveals her husband, Tahir Wagle. “The policemen dragged around 80 people out of our building without asking or saying anything. They took my 17-year-old son Shahnawaz and shot him in the waist. They even slashed the area on his body where they shot him. Their intentions were very clear,” he says, pointing towards a picture of Shahnawaz.
Shahnawaz was pulled out of his Mazgaon home on the night of January 11, 1993 as part of the police’s “combing operation”. “My dream was to make my son a merchant navy officer, but it ended in a pool of blood,” says the ageing father.
Tahir has been fighting a legal battle for over 18 years now, but in the latest exoneration that came in December 2011, the Mumbai police gave a clean chit to the men suspected of killing Shahnawaz. This, despite Srikrishna Commission’s conclusion that Shahnawaz’s killing was “cold-blooded murder” by the police, and asked for a special investigation.
In a similar operation on the morning of January 10, 1993, policemen opened fire at a gathering in the Wadala Haji Masjid during the afternoon prayers, says Farooque Kasim Mapkar. “We had gathered for the prayers, but it turned out to be a brutal assault by the police,” says Mr Mapkar. He was one of those injured in the operation, who was immediately picked up with others and taken into police custody. “All of us arrested were beaten in custody. On January 25, I got bail, and on January 27, the bullet was pulled out of my body,” recalls Mr Mapkar.
Another friend, Shamshuddin, was shot in his leg, and when he limped towards sub-inspector Nikhil Kapse, he was shot at again, leading to his instant death, adds Mr Mapkar.
Mr Mapkar was slapped with charges ranging from murder to rioting, but in 2009, a sessions court acquitted him after 16 years. The CBI, in 2012, gave a clean chit to Mr Kapse, but Mr Mapkar challenged its report before the Bhoiwada magistrate. The court then asked the CBI to hand over its documents to Mr Mapkar. “It has been four months but the CBI hasn’t given me any documents. I’ll move the high court if they don’t give me the report soon,” he says.
State-appointed Srikrishna Commission, which investigated into the causes and roles of various parties in the riots, observed, “For five days in December 1992 (December 6 to December 10) and fifteen days in January 1993 (January 6 to January 20), Bombay, urbs prima of this country, was rocked by riots and violence unprecedented in magnitude and ferocity, as though the forces of Satan were let loose, destroying all human values and civilised behaviour”.
Is the police really to be blamed?
Minor disputes that have the potential to metamorphose into a bigger outrage, are not being efficiently tackled by the police, feels former Intelligence Bureau joint director and former state intelligence chief, V.N. Deshmukh. “We carry a baggage of our violent history that results in regular outbursts of people’s emotions, often backed by politicians and religious leaders, who actually pull the strings,” he says. However, the partiality shown by the police in dealing with a crisis situation can add fuel to fire. As there is no accountability, the police has taken advantage of these vulnerable situations, he adds.
“People suffered a lot during the 1992-93 riots. There was extreme ghettoisation perpetrated by unsocial elements. The aftermath changed a lot in terms of the people’s mindset and resilience,” says Mr Deshmukh, who deposed before the Srikrishna Commission after investigating the riots.
In his tenure as probationary deputy superintendent of police in Dhule in 1969 and his posting in 1970, he also came across many instances of communal violence. “Back then, there was a riot in Jalgaon and we were anticipating repercussions in Dhule. However, we swiftly took charge of the situation and things were restored to normal,” reveals the former police officer, now a security advisor at a real estate development company.
The two points — detoxification of minds and strict implementation of law by bringing in police reforms — will help a great deal, he adds.
On the flip side, the Azad Maidan riots on August 11, 2012, witnessed Muslim mobs going on a rampage, damaging property and attacking the police without any provocation. The confrontation between the rioting mobs and the police, however, does reveal the deep-rooted resentment against the police force, say former police officials. In fact, police commissioner Arup Patnaik, who restrained his men from firing, as he did not wish to see a repeat of 1992-93, was shunted out by the government, say human rights activists.
All said and done, it’s time the wounds heal; 20 years is a long time, says Haroon Mozawala, who worked for the relief and rehabilitation of the ’92 riots victims, adding, “There was no reason for the people to damage property and attack people as we saw during the Azad Maidan violence. We should also keep in mind how the other communities feel about us. It’s time now to forget what happened and move on, otherwise it will simply fester more hatred within us.”
“The police, on many occasions, is left with no option but to put their foot down hard. Sometimes it becomes the need of the hour,” he rationalises.
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